EU-LDC Network Conference 2004
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Multilateralism at risk - Beyond Globalisation - 2-3 April 2004,
Brussels
Session 6: Trade - an EU
perspective -
Summary
Brigid Gavin described the current situation in international
trade after the failure in Cancun from the point of view of the
European Union. The EU was blamed by many observers for being a
major obstacle to the advance of the negotiations and for being very
intransigent, especially in the area of agriculture. According to
Brigid Gavin, the UN Millennium Development Goals should be used as
the yardstick for judging the Doha development round and the EU
trade position and initiatives in the Doha round must be measured
against these commitments. At the same time, it is important to
assess whether developing countries are demanding to return to the
1960s and are endorsing the idea that it is good for them to
maintain their protectionisms while liberalisations and concessions
must now come from developed countries. In her presentation, Brigid
Gavin considered three key issues: the EU approach to trade
liberalisation, the EU approach to Special and Differential
Treatment and the future EU commitments to multilateralism.
Concerning
the EU approach to trade liberalisation, agriculture is undoubtedly
the key issue. There is a structural imbalance and injustice in the
global arena with the EU as exporter of agricultural goods and some
developing countries as net importers of food. One way of addressing
this structural problem, supported among others by developing
countries, would be trade liberalisation and deep cuts in
agricultural protectionism. The effects of trade liberalisation of
agriculture would not be the same on all developing countries and
the distribution of the benefits should be taken into consideration.
Large exporting developing countries such as Brazil, Argentina and
South Africa would gain but food importing developing countries will
pay higher prices for food imports. Trade liberalisation all at once
may lead to economic chaos and have a negative effect on food
security in a number of least developed countries. Trade
liberalisation alone will not solve the problems of rural poverty.
Furthermore, even if trade liberalisation in agriculture would be
implemented, in the short term food production in dveloping
countries will not increase rapidly as most have a low productivity
agriculture due to scarce capital investment, inefficient techniques,
and absence of scale economies.
In
the 1960s developing countries through UNCTAD went on the offensive
and demanded preferences as a form of compensation for the damage
they had suffered because of protectionism in industrialised
countries. As the global trading system today is still inherently
unfair to poor countries there must be some form of compensation.
However, Special and Differential Treatment for developing countries
continues to be one of the most contentious issues for the trade
system. Developing countries believe that they have been exploited
by the multilateral trade rules while the EU and other industrial
countries argue that developing countries have note taken advantage
of the opportunities available to them. Brigid Gavin claimed that as
the UN ideal consists of a global partnership for development
hinging upon a rule-based, predictable, and non-discriminatory trade
system, preferences have a corrosive effect on the rules in the WTO.
When developing countries demand exemptions from the rules, they
lose their moral authority to demand the rich countries to comply.
The development dimension of the Doha round will not be achieved
through the extension of Special and Differential Treatment but
through increased trade-related technical assistance and capacity
building.
Brigid
Gavin also explained that after Cancun the EU has stated that it
will not follow other countries that wish to go down the bilateral
path in parallel to the WTO negotiations. The EU considers the
bilateral route as a non-viable alternative to the multilateral
option. The EU is still committed to multilateralism because
regional blocks depend on the multilateral system for their
effectiveness and legitimacy. Regional trading blocks are good when
they are building blocks to a global multilateral system and they
are bad when they are stumbling blocks. At the same time, the EU is
moving towards region-to-region agreements. While promoting
region-to-region agreements the EU is also fostering intra-regional
free trade. Brigid Gavin concluded by saying that the EU is a
powerful trading block and this creates a system of asymmetric
accountability. What is needed is genuine reciprocal accountability
based on new contractual agreements spelling out the rights and
obligations of all parties.
Before
outlining the official position of the European Commission on the
Doha Development Agenda (DDA), Peter van den Heuvel argued that the
DDA and the negotiation in Geneva seem to be overshadowed by the
idea that trade leads to development. However, trade in itself does
not automatically lead to development and if this is not taken into
consideration then the negotiations are charged with something that
cannot be delivered. Similarly, according to Peter van den Heuvel
the importance of agriculture is vastly overstated. The focus should
be on the rural poor and agricultural liberalisation will not
necessarily benefit them.
The
European Commission believes that in Cancun there was no consensus
on the Singapore issues and therefore no progress could be expected
in other areas of the DDA. However, there were no real negotiations.
The European Commission’s assessment is that the process was
inappropriate as there were too many declarations and too little
substance, too many participants were unwilling to move from their
initial position and many WTO members did not have enough
negotiating capital. After Cancun the European Commission has been
engaged in a process of reflection and consultation with a range of
stakeholders (EU member states, European Parliament, NGOs, business
and trade unions representatives, developing countries). On 26
November 2003 the European Commission published a Communication
titled ‘Reviving the DDA negotiations: the EU perspective’, in
which it outlined what the EU could do to re-launch the negotiations.
In the Communication was suggested that the EU is ready to explore
alternative approaches to the Singapore issues, that it is ready to
make concessions in agriculture, and that it is committed to achieve
ambitious results concerning market access, subsidies, services,
anti-dumping and regional trade agreements.
Peter
van den Heuvel explained that there is a window of opportunity up to
the end of May, dictated by some major political events (US
presidential election, new European Commission, elections in India),
to advance the DDA in 2004. As the timeframe is tight, it is
important to properly sequence the different steps. This implies
that the most pressing issues like agriculture, market access,
Singapore issues, Special and Differential Treatment and cotton,
should be addressed first; other issues will follow. The intense
consultations over the last months have resulted in better
understanding on all sides. It is clear to all WTO members that the
DDA is about negotiations and that each party has to benefit from
the round. To advance the DDA the European Commission is willing to
make a number of substantial concessions: eliminate export subsidies
on products of interest to developing countries (provided that they
finalise a list of products and timeframes and that the US makes
equally comprehensive commitments); reduce trade-distorting farm
support; drop investment and competition from the single undertaking
and negotiate on an intergovernmental basis; overhaul rules
concerning anti-subsidy measures and anti-dumping procedures so as
to reduce the scope for abuse.
The
first discussant, Samar Verma, pointed out that the EU provides
market access to products of the LDCs in theory but not in practice
because of a whole range of barriers (e.g. technical barriers,
safety standards, sanitary and phytosanitary measures). Concerning
the argument that developing countries have a higher protectionism
in agriculture than developed countries, this is true only if tariff
barriers are taken into account. However, protectionism also
includes domestic support. Finally, Samar Verma maintained that
Special and Differential Treatment should not be considered as a
compensation tool but as a development tool. The second discussant,
Nora Plaisier, argued that trade-related technical assistance should
not be seen as a panacea. Differences between countries should be
reflected in WTO rules and cannot be compensated with technical
assistance. Referring to an evaluation recently carried out for the
Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, she concluded that there is a
race in the amount of funding for trade-related technical assistance
even though this is not always appropriate and may only contribute
to increasing awareness rather than capacity.
During
the discussion one participant drew attention to the fact that trade
does not automatically lead to development but it stimulates growth,
which is a precondition for development. Concerning the EU position,
it was argued that there is a case for sidelining and at the same
time integrating trade more fully with other EU external policies.
Moreover, the EU should be prepared to make further concessions and
look beyond trade issues when it enters the negotiating room. In
relation to agriculture, this crucial issue cannot be dealt with in
the short term and a gradualist approach is needed in the Doha round.
Finally, it was also emphasised that trade agreements should be
accompanied by internal reforms as the two aspects are strictly
interrelated.
Session 6: Speakers
Chair: Errol Humphrey (Embassy of Barbados in Brussels)
Speakers: Brigid
Gavin (United Nations University, Bruges), Peter van den Heuvel (European
Commission, DG Trade)
Discussants: Samar
Verma (Oxfam GB in India), Nora Plaisier (EU-LDC Network Secretariat)
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